Friday, October 4, 2024

Juritsch on the Babenberger -- Part II: Markgrave Heinrich I

We continue with the book by Georg Juritsch, which is a staggering 750+ pages long. We are speaking about Geschichte der Babenberger und ihrer Länder (976-1246), published in Innsbruck with Wagner in 1894.

Markgrave Heinrich I (994-1018)

994 Wolfgang of Regensburg also died (25). He had been a champion of Christianity in the Eastern marches and especially in Hungary. The Hungarian ruler Geisas and his wife Sarolt were supportive of the Christianization. Wenn Gaisas son Waik (995) took over the rulership, he turned to Bavaria not Constantinople, requesting the hand of Gisela, the daughter of the Bavarian duke Heinrich who had just died, to accept Christianity completely. As a result (26), Stefan I (995-1038) becomes the first Hungarian Christian king. 
The new bishop of Passau, Christian (24), had the emperor Otto III reaffirm all his privileges in 999 (27), including market, mint, weight and toll rights. It was not always clear who influenced which abbey, however; Duke Heinrich II of Bavaria placed abbots in Altaich and Tegernsee, much to the annoyance of the Bishop of Freising (28). The Benedictine rule of Altaich is spread in its reform, as the other abbeys request monks from there to become abbot with them, for example, Lanthbert in Ostrow founded by Boleslaw der Fromme.
The Northern March of the Babenberger, under Markgrave Heinrich, had been promised Bavaria if Duke Heinrich of Bavaria, a cousin of Otto III, was elected king. The election took place in 1002, but the Markgrave did not receive Bavaria. This disappointment could not be fixed with extensive land donations: a complex of grounds between Liesing and Triesting, 20 Huben between Kamp and March. The Northern Markgrave still established connections with the Polish Duke Boleslaw. The insurrection (30) pulled in the Babenberger Ernst, who had assisted in the battle against Arduin in 1002 in Italy, and the brother of the new king, Bruno von Augsburg.
The Northern March was horribly devastated in this conflict, Heinrich was captured, as was Ernst, and would have been executed without the intervention of Willigis von Mainz. Heinrich III of Lützelburg received the Bavarian duchy instead (31), even if the capture of Prague in 1004 (30) lead to the release of the Babenberger (31).
Luitpold's son Poppo had studied in Regensburg to be ready for a church position (31), and moved on to St Emmeran afterwards (32). When Heinrich II founded a new bishopric in Bamberg, which was to be a pattern institution, he made his chancellor Eberhard the bishop (32) and Poppo the cathedral provost (33). 
(rck Juritsch sees the hanging of St Coloman, whom he calls a pilgrim from Palestine, in Stockerau during this time as an indicator that the popular justice of the people continues in spite of the jurisdiction of the markgrave.)
1014 the corpse of Coloman is transferred to Melk and then the miracles begin (34). 
In spite of his involvement in the insurrection, Count Ernst was allowed to marry the older sister of Duke Hermann III of Suebia. In 1012, Hermann died and Ernst now became Duke of Suebia (34), but dies soon when hit by a friend's arrow during the hunt (35).
Adalbero von Lützelburg had basically been holding Trier hostage since 1008 (36). But the Emperor called his bluff in 1017 and had the clerics and the people acclaim Poppo to be archbishop of Trier. Poppo goes to Rome (37) to pick up his Pallium on April 8, 1017. Poppo reflects the Benedictine reform, expands the cathedral by 1/3rd, and becomes the guardian for his nephew Ernst. His sister Christina moves to Trier to enter a nunnery there. Poppo visits Palestine (38) and possibly even Babylon.
Markgrave Heinrich I is equally reliable on the emperor's side, attacking the polisch borderlands of Moravia in 1015 and leaving some 800 men of Boleslaw's dead on the field (38). Two years later, in 1017, he cuts off the returning Polish army laden down with plunder.
Then the Northern Markgrave Heinrich of Babenberg dies and his brother Adalbert becomes the new markgrave (39). 

Juritsch on the Babenberger -- Part I: Markgrave Luitpold I

This is probably going to have to be a multi-part post, since the book by Georg Juritsch is a staggering 750+ pages long. We are speaking about Geschichte der Babenberger und ihrer Länder (976-1246), published in Innsbruck with Wagner in 1894.

The general organization of the work is to go through the individual rulers, though some of them, such as Leopold VI and his son (and final Babenberger) Friedrich have multiple chapters. It is not clear if this is correlated with their importance only; after all, the general state of records improves the closer one moves toward the present.

Before the Babenberger

Juritsch sets us up in 907, a hundred years after Charlemagne, when the East Marches are lost to the invading Hungarians, and the area from the Plattensee to the Enns is taken. Duke Luitpold and his Bavarian army was killed that year, including the bishops Thietmar of Salzburg and those of Freising and Säben (1). Juritsch speculates that, not unlike the Romans, the German pioneers retreated to the west and left the border marches depopulated, while abbeys (Altaich, Regensburg, Passau, Freising, Salzburg) and bishops held on to their legal titles (2) of their latifundiae (4) in the hope of future reclamation (2).
Though most of the villages were wood constructions, there were a few stone fortifications, such as the Eparesburg of Kremsmuenster, or the Hollenburg, and the holdings of some of Charlemagne's liegemen near St Pölten. Karlmann had owned a palatinate near Baden (3), and there was Mödling, a fief of Passau; surely both were fortified as well. In the Tullnerfeld, the remains of the Roman fortifications at Faviana and Comagena (Tulln) could be repurposed as defenses at short notice. (rck: Juritsch thinks that Faviana is Traismauer, where the Moravian duke Priwina was baptized (3), which however was called Augustianis; Favianis would have been the Roman castle Mautern.)
Though colonization had pushed along the rivers emptying into the Danube into the pre-alps, those ranching areas were just as deserted (3), though the Huns undertook no effort to destroy either fruit orchards or vineyards, looking mainly for plunder and slaves.
The military fortunes varied around the reign of Duke Heinrich II of Bavaria, the brother of the king; the Hungarians were defeated at Sediraburg and in the swamps of Drömling (938), and near Wels at the Traun (943 or 944). Bohemia had been put into its place (4; 5) making it possible for Bavaria to focus on the reconquest. The victory of 948 found its projection even into the writings of the Gandersheimer nun Hrotsuit (5). When the Hungarians tried to take advantage of the uprising of Arnulf and Luitpold in 954, they revolt was put down decisively and the Hungarians defeated August 10, 955 near Augsburg (Lechfeld). 
The religious rulers were ready for re-colonization of their properties (6) and pushed beyond the Wachau on the left and the Traisen on the right side of the Danube banks. This reinstated the separation of the church territories of Salzburg and Passau (6). 
Several of the Hungarian rulers at the Lechfeld (Karchan Bultzu, Dewix, Achtum) had already been christianized via Constantinople. The East-Roman monk Hierotheus was the bishop of Hungary, and the monastery of St John the Baptist near the river Maros was in place (7). The prince-bishoprics of Salzburg and Passau tried to build on these foundations when attempting pacification through Christianization. 

An important person in that context was Pilgrim of Passau (8), nephew of Archbishop Friedrich von Salzburg, who had grown up in the monastery of Altaich, another owner of latifundiae in the Eastern marches. Pilgrim was also related to the Arnulfinger, key landowners in Bavaria and Carinthia (8). Pilgrim attempted to reorganize the responsibilities by consecrating a few more bishops via Benedict VII in Rome. He justified this with embellished reports of the missionizing successes in Hungary (9) and in his role as the archbishop of Lorch. Implied was the elevation of Passau to a metropolis (10) of an archbishop. Haldemar organized a papal bull in Rome supposedly reflecting the archival state there (11) which was used in this regard. Friedrich von Salzburg was not excited (11),  and his influence in Rome sufficient to get the decision reversed. Pilgrim, thwarted, kept the bull and twelfth-century documents record him as archbishop nevertheless.

Refounding the Eastern Marches (976-774)

Emperor Otto I died 973 (12). The Bavarian Duke Heinrich II made a pact with Boleslava II of Bohemia and Miseco of Poland. Among those assisting the new emperor Otto II to put down the revolt was Luitpold, a count of the Danube district, and his brother Berthold, whose father was a relative of the sister of Heinrich I of Saxony. They themselves believed their descent from one Adalbert of Babenberg, who was executed in the reign of Ludwig the Child, but a franko-suebian origin makes more sense. 
The brothers had known the favor of Otto I already and now Berthold received the northern district and Luitpold the Eastern marches. 
The marches toward Carinthia and Verona were separated to form the Duchy of Carinthia (13), and the reduced Bavaria given to the Suebian Duke Otto.
This Ostarrichi of Luitpold was enclosed by the Enns in the West, the town of Spitz in the East (13), and the Traisen in the South (14). In order to secure this border region, the count of the marches was the sole count in this territory, required to both hold diets and attend the Bavarian diets (13) and serve in their wars.
We know that soon thereafter three counties were established, at Neuburg, Tulln and Mautern, which the marcher count had to service in a six-week rhythm (14). At the same time, Luitpold remained the count of the Danube district, especially the monastery of Metten received donations from him. He also held the castle of Melk (20), later claims of Passau notwithstanding.
Otto II was generous toward Passau as well (15): 975 they received Kremsmünster, the toll at Passau, the Ennsburg, St Florian and St Pölten. When the Carinthian duke Heinrich rebelled, Passau suffered destruction of its cathedral, which was made good with donations around Lorch. Salzburg, which had also stood with Otto II, received lands as well (16).
Otto II was smart to look to the churchmen for support against his aristocracy, and some of them, such as Wolfgang of Regensburg, were brave warriors that built their own defenses, such as the Wieselburg.
With the elimination of Duke Arnulf, the monasteries of Altaich and Tegernsee had lost their roles, and the game of latifundiae was down to Salzburg, Passau and Regensburg.
While the marcher counts did not have to participate in Italian wars, such as Otto II's campaign of 979, it was good to remain close to the emperor and the Roman curiae to realize plans, as the Merseburger bishop Giseler had demonstrated when he achieved his elevation to the archbishopric of Magdeburg (16) when Merseburg (which Otto I had created as a bishopric in gratitude to Laurentius after the Lechfeld) was decommissioned again (17). Unsurprisingly, the disaster in Italy of 979 (17) was considered "payback" from Saint Laurentius for having lost his bishopric so hastily [rck Wikipedia suggests that Otto II died of a malaria infection during the campaign]. 
Perhaps the contemporaries also expected a return of the Hungarians, which happened in 983 with the death of the Bavarian duke, but Luitpold managed to beat them back and even extend his sphere of influence to the Wiener Wald (17). Pilgrim nevertheless painted a picture of devastation of his lands in the Eastern marches when meeting Otto III in Bamberg 985. The point of this complaint was (18) to receive rights to bring free settlers into the marches, in addition to the bishop's colonials. These free settlers should be free of the Ministerial's interference, either fiscally or legally through the courts of the markgrave. Otto III obliged Passau, extending the immunities of Karl III, which in turn led to an apparently quick increase in free Bavarian settlers into the Eastern marches.
Pilgrim organized Synods to Lorch and Mautern (18) to settle the question of who would receive the tithe between Enns and the Wiener Wald (19), a topic that was also discussed at the Synod of Mistelbach.
Friedrich of Salzburg was no less concerned to get his holdings certified by the authorities in Rome and at the Imperial court, and the list is long and impressive: Ybbs, Url, Megalicha, Wachau, Arnsburg, Grinzing, Holenburg, Tulln, Pottenbrunn, Traismauer, Oberwöling. Unfortunately, these rights were backed with a forged privilege of King Arnulf (19), which led to ongoing frustrations 200 years later still (20). 
The warfare had diminished the education in the new marches as well; Count Udalrich von Ebersberg claimed that all Bavarians knew how to read the public law (Volksrecht) (20), but saw this no longer the case during his adulthood. The school in St Emmeran (21), reformed in 980 by St Wolfgang of Regensburg and reorganized by the Benedictine monk Ramwold of St Maximin near Trier, was famous and had 300 books in its library managed by Reginbald, who worked to increase the holdings. Ramwold had the Aureus Codex of Emmeran renovated. Salzburg had inherited most of its books, including Beda's De Arte Metrica of 701 and a collection of letters from Alexander the Great to Aristotle. There was also Bishop Reginold of Eichstätt, who knew Hebrew and Greek und wrote a vita of St Willibald and poems about St Wunnibald and St Blasius. Tegernsee (22) was renovated from St Emmeran through Gozpert (21), who brought enthusiasm for the classics with im (22) and had Boethius, Stasius, Persius, Horaz and the letters of Cicero read and copied.
(rck Juritsch thinks that Master Conrad wrote earlier versions of the Nibelungenlied in Latin, no less, at the behest of Pilgrim of Passau around this time; modern scholarship assumes that the epic was written in Middle High German from the beginning and that Pilgrim occurs because this was during the time that Pilgrim was supposed to be canonized. (22) Juritsch is well-informed about the miracles some 200 years after Pilgrim's death at the rediscovery of his grave (23).)
In 991 both Friedrich of Salzburg and Pilgrim of Passau died (23).
In 994 (24), Luitpold is hit by a stray error during a wargame and dies July 10th, 994. Thietmar of Merseburg praises him (24), as do the Annals of Quedlinburg. 
Luitpold's son Heinrich I becomes the new markgrave, even though the role is not hereditary yet.

Monday, September 30, 2024

David Manheim on Underspecified Goals

 In a follow-up to the previous David Manheim discussion, a blog-post from 2016/09/29 entitled Overpowered Metrics Eat Underspecified Goals, Manheim analyzes examples of twitter use and startups to get a handle on how goals ought to be formalized, especially when transitioning to a corporate structure — here, Peter Drucker's SMART goals (Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Realistic, and Time-bound) versus the BHA goals (Big, Hairy, Audacious) that startups use.

Manheim reminds us that

metrics work because they help ensure that the tasks aligned the intuition of the workers with the needs of the company, create trust between workers and their management, and reduce the complexity of larger goals into manageable steps.

Manheim points out that, in their existing formulation, Goodhart's Law, which probably derived from Donald T Campell's formulation, are at least sometimes false. This follows from the good regulator work of Roger Conant and Ross Ashby, which show an isomorphism between the model of the regulator and the system regulated and which lead to the internal model principle in control theory.

Since Conant's and Ashby's good regulator cannot existing in a process that exceeds modeling complexity, simplified models are targeted by the regulators instead, which can then be exploited.

This means any simplified model used by a regulator can be exploited, especially when the agents understand the model and metrics used. This happens almost everywhere; employees understand the compensation system and seek to maximize their bonuses and promotion, drug manufacturers know the FDA requirements and seek to minimize cost to get their drug approved, and companies know the EPA regulations and seek to minimize the probability and cost of fines. The tension created by the agents is what leads to Goodhart’s theorem; whatever simplifications exist in the model can be exploited by agents.

Manheim now shows how this interacts with the principal-agent problem. [Fn1] Manheim argues that where the story of the individual agent and the bigger story of the cooperative collide, that's too bad for the bigger story.

In companies, the discrepancy between the metrics used and the goal isn’t maximized by the agents: the agents aren’t necessarily against the larger goal, they just pursue their own goals, albeit subject to the regulator’s rules. Goodhart said the correlation doesn’t reverse, it simply collapses.

The outcome is a mismatch between the company's space of possibilities and

the subspace induced by agents’ maximization behaviors.

In other words, even metrics that are aligned well with agents whose goals are understood, they are distorted by the agents whose motives or goals are different than the ones used to build the metric. And because all metrics are simplifications, and all people have their own goals, this is inevitable. 

 This puts the onus on the model to be as explicit as possible (I think that is what Manheim means with legibility, but I am not 100% sure).

If the model is explicit, game-theoretic optima can be calculated, and principal-agent negotiations can guarantee cooperation. This is equivalent to saying that simple products and simple systems can be regulated with simple metrics and Conant and Ashby style regulators, since they represent the system fully.

Manheim then suggests that Wilson in his discussion of bureaucracy and organizational theory made a useful contribution by replacing the goals with missions (Manheim is persuasive that complexity is often irreducible, thereby curtailing Wilson's other suggestion of how to remedy organizational misalignments.) 

[Wilson writes:] "The great advantage of mission is that… operators will act… in ways that the head would have acted had he or she been in their shoes.” But that requires alignment not of metrics and goals, but of goals and missions.

When saddled with unclear goals, metrics begin to take on the role of (self-)justification. 

And as Abram Demski pointed out to me, this is an even deeper point; Holmström’s theorem shows that when people are carving a fixed pie, it’s impossible to achieve a stable game-theoretic equilibrium and be efficient too, unless you ignore the budget constraints. 

A corporation's solution to this conundrum is

... to make sure people can contribute to growing the size of the pie, making it a non-zero-sum game. Creating this non-zero-sum game to serve as a context for goals is the function of the mission; it’s something that everyone wins by furthering.

To put matters into my own words, missions are supposed to be goal generators.

For Manheim, this is how to turn the old adage from management theory

To motivate a team, you need goals that are clear, and metrics that support them.

into something actionable.

Failure to use metrics well means that motivations and behaviors can drift. On the other hand, using metrics won’t work exactly, because complexity isn’t going away. A strong-enough sense of mission means it may even be possible to align people without metrics.

(This may explain why start-ups and open source projects work.) 

The solution may well be to hybridize them, or turn them into a flywheel process.

It makes sense, however, to use both sets of tools; adding goals that are understood by the workers and aligned with the mission, which clearly allow everyone to benefit, will assist in moderating the perverse effects of metrics, and the combination can align the organization to achieve them. Which means ambitious things can be done despite the soft bias of underspecified goals and the hard bias of overpowered metrics.

 

David Manheim on Goodhart's Law

I was reading Jascha Sohl-Dickstein' 2022-11-06 blog post on how Too much efficiency makes everything worse: overfitting and the strong version of Goodhart's law when I realized that I had never heard of Goodhart's Law before. 

The Wikipedia article sent me to David Manheim's 2016 blog-post on the difficulties of measuring Goodhart's Law and Why Measurement is Hard. Manheim points to the triad of "intuition, trust and complexity" and its interaction with measurement. Measurement primarily replaces intuition, but requires trust in the data and cannot adequately overcome complexity. 

Manheim has an interesting aside on the discussion between Kahneman and Klein on how effective interventions of the type of "recognition-primed decision making" may beat out measuring, leading to "raw intuition beating reflection", with a link indicating that Kahneman and Klein agree on this being the case for specific interesting situations.

Manheim also notes that Douglas Hubbard offers a general methodology for measuring anything, though this process side-steps the question of whether this can always be done in a timely and cost-effective manner.

... no matter how ‘fuzzy’ the measurement is, it’s still a measurement if it tells you more than you knew before. (Douglas Hubbard, as quoted in Manheim's blog-post)

Manheim points out that the problem of trust that marrs data collection can be reduced by segregating the responsibilities.

Test takers are monitored for cheating, graders are anonymized, and the people creating the test have no stake in the game. Strategies that split these tasks are effective at reducing the need for trust, but doing so is expensive, not always worthwhile, and requires complex systems . And complex systems have their own problems. (Manheim in his post) 

The fact that measures summarize complexity without reducing it, and the problems that causes, Manheim proposes to make the failures understandable by another interaction triad.

These failures are especially probable when dimensionality is reduced, causation is not clarified, and the reification of metrics into goals promotes misunderstanding.

Manheim argues that (even in the face of Arrow's theorem proving the absence of any correct metric), models such as those in economics are quickly subjected to dimensional reductions and hyperplane slicing to make simple metrics computable (often even a single function).

For causation, Manheim turns to

Cosma Shalizi’s amazing course notes, when he talks about about modeling causal relationships. One benefit of the type of visual model he explains is that it is an intuitive representation of a causal structure. 

(Notice that Manheim already warned about the fact that single causation is often a fallacy.) The example of the factors both direct and indirect that impact the grade in a statistics class show that reducing the class to a grade eliminates the articulation points.

[In Shalizi's example] ... there are plenty of causes that can be manipulated to improve grades: reducing workload will be effective, as will increasing actual learning in the previous course. But if you are only using simple metrics, and which cannot represent the causal structure, it’s irreducible. This is why ... loss of fidelity matters when decisions are made.

 Manheim uses (cute) optical illusions to approach the reification problem, discussing the potential for the reification fallacy (at least) for metrics of IQ or wealth. The punchline though is:

What’s harmful is that when we create a measure, it is never the thing we care about, and we always want to make decisions. And if you reify metrics away from the true goal, you end up in trouble when they stop being good measures. 

Which is what Goodhart's Law argues, and Manheim now exemplifies:

Investors care about bond ratings, but only because they measure risk of default. It’s only a measure, until you use it to determine capital reserves. 

Bank regulators care about capital reserves, but only because it is a measure of solvency. It’s only a measure, until you use it to set bank reserve requirements. 

Manheim then points out that this is caused by Stephen Ross' formalization of the solution to principal-agent problems in economics, which are base-payment plus bonus type of systems, which however require measurements to succeed.

The combination of reification and decisions that use a metric which ignores the causal structure will bite you.  

Thinking of tests as measuring student achievement is fine, and it usefully simplifies a complex question. Reifying a score as the complex concept of student achievement, however, is incorrect.

For Manheim, Goodhart points out that the absence of any correct metric means that the system will drift to satisfy the mismatch between measure and goal.

Metrics make things better overall, but only occurs to the extent that they are effective at encouraging the true goals of the system. To the extent that they are misaligned, the system’s behavior will diverge from the goals being mismeasured.

Because the collapse of the complexity elides aspects of the system, the resulting measurement will push in unintended directions, be it sensationalism via user engagement at Facebook or racial bias in recidivism in crime statistics.

Manheim argues that another way to see Goodhart's Law is that mapping goals to measurements increases the communicability about complex systems between people, but the inaccuracy of the metric over time  causes drift that eventually obfuscates the intended goals. 

Saturday, August 31, 2024

Some works of Jean Bodin

 Jean Bodin, who is this these days perhaps best known for his musings on Historiography, engaged in problems of religion and tolerance as well. His only posthumously published Conference of the Seven Wise Men on the Hidden Secrets of Sublime Things (Colloquium heptaplomeres de rerum sublimium arcanis abditis) clearly belongs into this category. It's seven speakers represent the views that Bodin was familiar with (summary by ChatGPT 3.5):

  • Coronaeus - Represents traditional Catholicism.
  • Fridericus - A Lutheran who defends Protestantism.
  • Curtius - A Calvinist, representing the Reformed tradition.
  • Torres - A Jew, offering a Jewish perspective.
  • Senamus - A skeptic, embodying the voice of doubt and questioning.
  • Salomon Barcassius - A Muslim, representing Islamic thought.
  • Octavius Fagnola - A Deist, who argues for a natural religion devoid of specific dogma.
  • Late-Antiquity Military Thinking

     In the form of the Stratagems of Polyanus and the writings of Aneas Tacticus.

    Post Roman Migration into England

     A summary article for a Nature article in The Past from 2022.

    Van Houts on Early Norman Poetry

     Elisabeth Van Houts, as so often, offers an exciting interpretation of Jezebel and Semiramis, two 10th century Norman poems that may be related as critiques of Emma of Normandy.

    Economic History of the Fugger

    This post just notes the important research of Aloys Schulte, Die Fugger in Rome, from 1904 (also available on Google Books).

    Notes on Pacific Warfare

    There have been many questions about what causes warfare to develop, esp in pre-state societies, and to what extend it differs from raiding; how lethal it is; and how important the symbolic bravery on display is for the standing within the community.

    I recently ran into the following work on Pacific warfare, 

    Raid, Retreat, Defend (Repeat): The Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Warfare on the North Pacific Rim--by Herbert D.G. Maschner & Katherine L. Reedy-Maschner.

    The work points out that warfare for strict resource control was less common, and that its impact on development of the North Pacific Rim in the end can only be considered formative.

    1960s English Pop Art

    Having read the autobiography of Pattie Boyd, wife of George Harrison & Eric Clapton, I ran into this website that showcases the famous Birds of Britain project.

    Some Notes on the City of Horn

     This is some links that have been sitting around for a long time.

    The city of Horn was very important during the Protestant Reformation and Counter Reformation. There is a nice history of that city written by my former Church Law professor, Gustav Reingrabner, which one can purchase at the Rathaus or the local bookshop.

    This Hungarian Website has a nice view of the city from the Austrian City Atlas. Of course, Horn is on the Schweickert map as well.

    In this context, I also ran into this paper on avoiding or even working against the Black Plague in the Wachau of the 1680s.

    Monday, June 17, 2024

    Odds and Ends from Dinner Conversations

    Got a couple of interesting pointers in the last few days that I wanted to pickle.

    Christian Marek, Rom und der Orient: Reiche, Götter, Könige, 2023.

    The Austrian Broadcasting service's Series on the inner city of Vienna.

    Cf. Erbe Oesterreichs 3  and some of its videos (eg Erbe Österreich: Geheimnisse der Wiener Innenstadt (1/3))

    These gave pointers about the Clarissinenkloster in the Dorotheagasse, which forner French Queen Elisabeth of Austria had built in 1580 to atone for her husband's involvement in the Bartholomew Massacre.

    The also commented on the fact that Palais Coburg preserves the brick-walled remains of the last piece of the old Vienna City wall, at the casemats.


    The Umbrian-Old Latin parallel translated law tablets of Gubbio were already found in the 1440s: the Iguvinian Tablets (DE) (EN).

    One of the earliest monastic settlements in the West were the Lerins Islands, opposite from Cannes.

    There are many places in France that have ancient bapisteries worth investigating, for example, at Douhet (Charente-Maritime).  One of the most famous works on this, perhaps, is Khatchatrian's Les baptistères paléochrétiens. Plans, notices et bibliographie (Paris, 1961) [private link].

    Finally, the Flavian Temple of Hispellum that Constantine permitted to be constructed is really most amazing.


    Finally, the Flavian Temple of Hispellum that Constantine permitted to be constructed is really most amazing.

    Friday, May 17, 2024

    Appraising Rosalind Franklin, Science Writing and Women's Contribution to Science

    Very intrigued by a host of articles on Nature dealing with Rosalind Franklin.

    The Nature EDITORIAL from 25 April 2023 was How Rosalind Franklin was let down by DNA’s dysfunctional team. The story of how the structure of DNA was found is one of team science from which one member was unforgivably excluded.

    The editorial reminds of the anti-semitism, the sexism, and the unhappiness that Franklin experienced during her time at King's College in London, which truncated her work at the tail of her stay. Fortunately, she was happier at Birkbeck College. It also reminds readers that the fight over who would get DNA described first, contra Linus Pauling in the US, was a serious motivator.

    Then, Matthew Cobb and Nathaniel Comfort in the same issue clarify What Rosalind Franklin truly contributed to the discovery of DNA’s structure. Franklin was no victim in how the DNA double helix was solved. An overlooked letter and an unpublished news article, both written in 1953, reveal that she was an equal player.

    The contribution tries to more fairly sketch the complex involvement of the King's College group's researchers and some of the allocation choices, making Franklin more than the supplier of a supposedly decisive X-ray picture.

    This in turn lead me down the road of some previous Nature reporting, such as the injustice of science-historiographical reductionism from April 2020: Rosalind Franklin was so much more than the ‘wronged heroine’ of DNA. One hundred years after her birth, it’s time to reassess the legacy of a pioneering chemist and X-ray crystallographer.

    The editorial rightfully points out how thinking of Franklin as the wronged party in the DNA discovery once again retracts her role as a woman scientist, under-lighting her many other science contexts and contributions.

    The 2023 Editorial draws on Brenda Maddox's work, who wrote in Nature in 2003 about Rosalind Franklin, The double helix and the 'wronged heroine' who warned in the abstract already that
    Franklin's premature death, combined with misogynist treatment by the male scientific establishment, cast her as a feminist icon. This myth overshadowed her intellectual strength and independence both as a scientist and as an individual.

     

    Wednesday, May 8, 2024

    LLM Papers that I have been recommended

    These are papers that I have been recommended with their links. Who knows if they are as good for the Humanities as some people think?

    And if all of these papers make you want to try stuff, consider RunPod ....

    Sunday, May 5, 2024

    TEI and Multi-Language Sources

    In my ongoing efforts to familiarize myself with TEI and its tools for modeling sources for the Humanities properly, I stumbled upon this discussion by Van Hulle on how to deal with Samuel Beckett's bi-lingualism, as Beckett translates from English to French and back again, authoring in both languages even.

    The text at hand is Stirrings Still and Soubresauts, and though it has hardly six pages, Beckett seemed to oscillate between writing it in English or in French. The resulting publication history is complicated too, with an expensive hard-cover edition supposedly preceding the newspaper edition, when in fact it did not.

    Again

    Spending a lot of time today thinking about repetition (Difference und Wiederholung, in the words of Deleuze) as problems of knowledge representation. The impetus came from a book on Caterina of Medici (Leah Redmond Chang's Young Queens), which in turns uses the Chronicle of Le Murate to tell the story of eleven-year old Caterina getting caught up in the battle between Medici-Pope Clement VII and the Florentine Republic.

    As so often, Sister Giustina Niccolini was writing many years past the events, in 1598, about a situation that happened in the summer of 1530. The rough of it was that the Republican council of Florence wanted to use Caterina as a pain point in their negotiations against the Pope, and the nuns of Le Murate, who were sheltering Caterina, wanted to prevent that, fearing that she might get hurt.

    So we have all the usual elements, we have goals and plans and scripts. The interesting part is the conflicts, which interrupt these scripts (or just attempt to do so). 

    Silvestro Aldobrandini, the secretary of the council, goes with his soldiers to pick up Caterina from Le Murate in the Via Ghibellina. At this points, plans made by the council and plans made by the pope and his Spanish supporters have been made and thwarted. 

    Though the council had placed Caterina there as a guest in 1527 to hold her hostage, they now needed her back for a new plan--to pressure the pope into withdrawing his troops. The nuns refuse to hand her over by refusing to open the door. 

    Aldobrandini returned later that night to blast the door to splinters (with canons?), thereby foiling the nuns' plan of keeping Caterina safe in the nunnery. So the nuns physically block Aldobrandini and his men.

    Trying to block the men from penetrating deeper into the convent, the nuns sank to their knees, then threw themselves to the ground, crying, praying, pleading, and arguing. 

    --Chang, Leah Redmond. Young Queens: Three Renaissance Women and the Price of Power (p. xii). Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Kindle Edition. 

    As a quick aside---notice the nightmare of representing this scene, given the plurality of behaviours and the unclear activities (what did they pray? what did they argue), not to mention the loose quantification.

    Aldobrandini continues to pursue his goal of pressuring the pope by replanning, but with the nuns bypassed,  Caterina becomes his next obstacle, neither going willingly or shutting up. 

    It is silly to assume that Caterina had no patterns for the scenes that she was making, first arguing to remain at the covenant, and then demanding of the world why she was being submitted to such a violent death (Chang, p. xix). So there are scripts here that elude us and that are prolongued. 

    Persuading someone is a complex process that may require multiple iterations, some repetition, some novel points, and definitely a good chunk of passage of time. All of this was happening while Aldobrandini was trying to get her on horseback to someplace where she could be used in her role as pressure point. (Chang makes no mention of how that was supposed to work, perhaps her sources did not know either.)

    Chang suggests that Aldobrandini must have been swayed, but it is not clear that this is true. Aldobrandini needed Caterina alive, and after chasing the pope's soldiers away, Caterina would most likely return to the covenant, where she had spent the previous three years as hostage. I personally see no giving in when Aldobrandini tells her that she will not come to harm (a dead hostage is a useless hostage) and that he will return her to the covenant within a month's time (her preferred "storage place", as far as the Republican council of Florence was concerned).

    Aldobrandini told Caterina that no harm would come to her. He promised to return her to Le Murate within the month. (Chang,  p. xix)

    At this point, the whole thing turns into a morality tale of sorts. The Medici restoration leads to the execution of counselors and the torture of those that are banished (Chang, p. xix), but Caterina (somehow) manages to intercede for Aldobrandini and get his death sentence commuted to banishment (with or without torture, Chang does not tell us). 

    This then leads us to some of the meta-historical aspects of this story that Hayden White would have immediately jumped on. Clearly the Le Murate chronicle is not a neutral source. Sister Niccolini emphasizes the connection to the French Queen Caterina to the Medici-funded nunnery (Chang, p. 14), proudly recounts the gifts (Chang, p. xix) received, and the ongoing relationship. In fact, Caterina would petition them to pray for her continuously in 1573 and again in 1583 (Chang, p. 17), as we know from her letters (it is unclear whether Niccolini mentions that as well). By the time Niccolini completed her chronicle, the French Queen had been dead for almost a decade (1589).

    With that narrative setup, we immediately have heroes and villains, and the morality tale acquires a structure of perhaps a tragedy for Aldobrandini, or the council? Or perhaps even a comedy from Caterina's point of view? More textual analysis would be necessary to make either of that attribution stick. The nuns clearly wanted to be seen as powerful intercessors, either in their arguing or in their praying. 

    We therefore need representations that capture these emplotment aspects, the role attributions. Perhaps one might argue that our question of which nun did what is highly misguided. The nuns (and perhaps even the soldiers) function more like the chorus in a Greek theatrical tradition, they as a group embody a sentiment that the author wishes to express. 

    Monday, January 8, 2024

    Atomic Bomb Markers in your Body

     (Part of the Great Tab Cleanup)

    A BBC report on how bodily radioactivity documents the anthropocene.

    Tudor Fertility and Expenses

     (Part of the Great Tab Cleanup)

    • How Blood problems affected Henry VIII's plans
    • Privy Purse accounts of Elizabeth of York, which show Elizabeth Denton on p.99 as recipient of money (arguably the woman who taught the bedroom arts to Henry VIII). [Formally, Nicholas H. Nicholas (eds) (1830), Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York: Wardrobe Accounts of Edward IV, London (William Pickering)]
    The suggestion comes from Philippa Jones (2016), The Other Tudors, p.28; p.52 (Kindle Edition), citing , p.99 in Nicholas' 1830 edition.

    Videos on Formal Methods

    (Part of the great tab cleanup)