Showing posts with label book. Show all posts
Showing posts with label book. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 21, 2015

A New York geography for the BoM

An old friend of mine, specialist in Indian languages, pointed me to this map comparison from a book by Verne Holley,  unfortunately out of print, which suggests that Joseph Smith Jr tried to write the local history during the American Antiquities of the area he grew up in.

The alignment of the names is quite fascinating; I suspect that Joseph Smith Jr must have felt like a linguistics scholar when decoding how the names had changed over time.

"Uncle" Dean Broadhurst now hosts the third edition of Holley's work from 1998, where the Spalding manuscript theory is used as the basis of the discussion that Holley pursues.

Tuesday, March 24, 2015

book on 15th century Nuremberg

The book Endres Tuchers Baumeisterbuch der Stadt Nürnberg: (1464 - 1475) gives a description of the city of Nuremberg from the point of view of the people in charge of maintaining it. It enumerates for example the water pipes (roren) and the different fountains and gives how many buckets each fountain has.
Unmitigated awesomeness.

Tuesday, October 14, 2014

The Abomination of Solomon and David in BoM

As I showed previously under the discussion of concubinage in the BoM, the BoM speaks of the abomination of concubinage with specific focus on Solomon and David. 

It is therefore important to realize that this cannot have meant polygamy in the general sense--Abraham and Jacob practiced that as well, and are not scorned for doing so. Abraham had one wife, Sarah, and two concubines, Hagar and Keturah (Adam Clarke's commentary to 1 Kings 11:3).

Rather, it must be in reference to the fact that Solomon was "tricked" into worshipping other gods than JHWH by his association with some of the other foreign princesses that he was married to (for diplomatic reasons, as we would argue today). 

The key passage is 1 Kings 11, which tells how Solomon loses the kingdom. Historically speaking, this is a necessity; as the United Monarchy of David and Solomon is an invention of the Dtr Historians in the time of Josiah's cultic reform (cf. Israel Finkelstein, The Forgotten Kingdom, 2013), the monarchy cannot persist past the life of Solomon, otherwise the reality of the separated states of Judah and Israel cannot be connected to. 

Whether this approach belongs to the revision under Ezra and Nehemiah, or is part of the Dtrn Historian, is unclear, but instituting a sin that involves the marriage of Solomon to foreign women is a masterful stroke of theological authorship. A quick look at the parallel passages --- Exodus 34:16; Deuteronomy 17:17; Ezra 10:44; Nehemiah 13; various passages in Proverbs, most of them concerned with adultery --- shows the focus on worship in the Pentateuch and the focus on flat-out marriage in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

Of course the passage in 1 Kings dates the whole section to the 7th century, because the countries mentioned --- Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians, and Hittites --- include peoples that had not reached statehood until the 7th century (cf. Finkelstein 2013). In the case of the Hittites, the Separation Hypothesis suggests that these are similarly named hill tribes, not the big Anatolian kingdom of the 1600-1200 BC and its successor states.

The insertion had been done somewhat artless in the sense that 18th century commentators wondered why Solomon had only fallen under the theological spell of "Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians", and "Milcom the abomination of the Ammonites", "Chemosh, the abomination of Moab", "Molech, the abomination of the children of Ammon", but not under the spell of the wife associated with his most crucial ally, the Egyptian princess. Some commentators went so far as to assume that she might have converted to Judaism; cf. Adam Clarke's rebuttal of that notion in commentary for 1 King 11:1.

Commentators had rejected the assumption that it was lust on the number of the women involved---700 princesses, 300 concubines---and on the age of Solomon; rather that he was collecting trophy wives the way that he was collecting horses and chariots, gold and silver.

The claim of desiring other women is an allusion to David and Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah (2 Samuel 11-12), and the mother of Solomon. But even here only the first child died; the second became as mentioned Solomon, the beloved of the LORD.

Sunday, October 12, 2014

Concubines in the BoM

According to the online version of the Book of Mormon, there are eight passages in the book of Mormon, occurring in three books, that discuss concubines.

  1. Jacob 
    1. Chapter 1 (v15)
    2. Chapter 2 (v24, v27)
    3. Chapter 3 (v5)
  2. Mosiah 11 (v2, v4, and v14)
  3. Ether 10 (v5)
In Jacob 1:15, the context is the depravity of the Nephites after the death of their first ruler, Nephi I. Having or even desiring concubines in the way of David and his son Solomon is an example of their falling from grace, as they
began to grow hard in their hearts, and indulge themselves somewhat [sic!] in wicked practices
Jacob then (Chapter 2) speaks out about the evils caused by the lust for riches, which finds expression in the Nephites hunting after gold, silver, and other precious ores (v12), which makes them haughty in garment and bearing. But pride is not the only target of Jacob's remonstrations; the other is the chastity of women perverting practice of concubines (v27f), which is an abomination to the Lord, even back when David and Solomon were doing so (v23f). And in Jacob's words, the Lord is responding to the abject misery of the daughters of the Nephites, who are saddened by the practice of concubinage (vv.31-34). (The word tenderness, that Jacob uses here, occurs in the KJV only in Dtn 28, when describing the horrible cannibalisms of the besieged city; in the OT, tender is used for young animals and sons, or fresh vegetation, and the soft heart; the combination of "tender and delicate" applied to a female occurs only in Isa 47:1, when describing Babylon figuratively as the daughter of Chaldaeans. In the NT, mercy is tender, as is the fig tree in the Synoptics.)

Jacob uses the Lamanites (Chapter 3) as a positive example, because with all their filth and curses, they only know monogamy (v5), and thus put the Nephites to shame.

In Mosiah 11, it is the wicked King Noah, who takes over from his father Zeniff, who taxes his people heavily at 20%, especially the gold and the silver, and uses this money to build fabulous buildings, and to have concubines, just as his priests do, and to become a wine bibber and make his people into alcoholics.

In Ether 10, the situation is similar, where the wicked king Riplakish taxes his people, builds tall buildings, and has concubines (v5).

The evil of taxation occurs in the OT for King Jehoiakim (2 Kg 23:35), who raised taxes on gold and silver and give that to Pharaohnechoh (Pharaoh Necho II), who had killed Josiah at the battle of Megiddo and was requiring tribute (after the three-month intermezzo of King Jehoahaz). Jehoiakim did not do what was right before the Lord either.

Thursday, October 9, 2014

Tidbits about Book Mormon from Uncle Dan (Part I)

The following is an extract of bits and pieces that Dan Broadhurst has pulled together in the quest of trying to figure out whether Joseph Smith Jr would have required the writings of Solomon Spalding to author the Book of Mormon.

Ancient Books

  • Broadhurst points out that the notion of the rings through the plates is mentioned in Jahn's Biblical Archaeology (2nd edition from 1827) in the discussion of books (Paragraph 89). 

Monday, September 15, 2014

Restoration Movement online resources

Via my search for Joseph Smith Jr - contemporary commentaries, I stumbled upon Walter Scott, a Scottish clergyman that worked for Alexander Campbell in the Restoration Movement. Scott wrote a commentary on Revelation (whose date of publication I could not determine), among other things. Many of his writings are available in the Restoration Movement documentation project, which is currently undergoing redesign and only available via the Wayback machine. They have quite a bit on Alexander Campbell as well.

Friday, September 12, 2014

19th Century Bible Commentaries

In an attempt to get an idea of how Joseph Smith Jr would have read the Bible, I started looking at Bible commentaries available online that either Joseph Smith Jr or the preachers that he encountered might have read. I choose 1827 as my somewhat arbitrary cut-off date, since that is the beginning of the Book of Mormon translation effort; Joseph Smith Jr received the plates in September of that year.

Whole Bible Commentaries

  • Joseph Benson, an early Methodist minister and friend of John Wesley, wrote a Commentary on the OT & NT
  • Adam Clarke (1760?-1832), a British Methodist theologian and supporter of Wesley, wrote a six-volume commentary.
  • Thomas Coke (9 September 1747 - 2 May 1814) was the first Methodist Bishop and is known as the Father of Methodist Missions. He wrote a six-volume commentary (1801-1803).
  • John Gill (November 23, 1697-October 14, 1771) was an English Baptist, a biblical scholar, and a staunch Calvinist. Between 1746 and 1763, he wrote An Exposition of the New Testament (3 vols., 1746-8), and an Exposition of the Old Testament (6 vols., 1748-63).
  • Robert Hawker (1753-1827) was a Devonian vicar of the Anglican Church and the most prominent of the vicars of Charles Church, Plymouth, Devon. His grandson was Cornish poet Robert Stephen Hawker. He wrote a book of Biblical notes called Hawker's Poor Man's Commentary.
  • George Leo Haydock (1774-1849), scion of an ancient English Catholic Recusant family, was a priest, pastor and Bible scholar. His edition of the Douay Bible with extended commentary, originally published in 1811, became the most popular English Catholic Bible of the 19th century on both sides of the Atlantic.
  • Matthew Henry (18 Oct 1662 - 22 June 1714) was an English Presbyterian minister who wrote a renowned commentary on the whole Bible, An Exposition of the Old and New Testaments (1708-10, known also as Matthew Henry's Commentary on the Whole Bible), which went up to Acts and was completed by like-minded authors after his death in 1714. A more compact version, Matthew Henry's Concise Commentary on the Bible was published in 1706 already.
  • Matthew Poole (1624 - 1679) was an English Nonconformist theologian. His English annotations on the Bible were republished until 1840.
  • Charles Simeon (24 September 1759 – 13 November 1836), was an English evangelical clergyman, and founder of the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews (now known as the Church's Ministry Among Jewish People or CMJ) in 1809. His major opus the Horae Homileticae was published in London starting in 1819, with many editions and reprints.
  • John Trapp, (5 June 1601, Croome D'Abitot - 16 October 1669, Weston-on-Avon), was an English Anglican Bible commentator. His large five-volume commentary is still read today and is known for its pithy statements and quotable prose.
  • John Wesley was a Church of England cleric and an Arminian theologian. Wesley is largely credited, along with his brother Charles Wesley, as founding the Methodist movement which began when he took to open-air preaching in a similar manner to George Whitefield. His Notes on the New Testament (1755) are enlightening.

New Testament

  • Johann Albrecht Bengel (24 June 1687 – 2 November 1752) was a Lutheran pietist clergyman and Greek-language scholar known for his edition of the Greek New Testament. The other great work of Bengel, and that on which his reputation as an exegete is mainly based, is his Gnomon Novi Testamenti, or Exegetical Annotations on the New Testament, published in 1742.
  • William Burkitt (25 July 1650 in Hitcham, Suffolk, England - 24 October 1703, Essex) was a biblical expositor and vicar in Dedham, Essex, England. Burkitt is known for his Bible commentary, Expository Notes with Practical Observations on the New Testament (Gospels published 1700, Acts to Revelation published 1703).

Contemporaries of Joseph Smith Jr

  • Albert Barnes (1789-1870), from Rome, New York, graduated from Princeton Theological Seminary in 1823, but did not begin publishing his Notes until the 1830s, AFAIK.
  • Joseph Sutcliffe (+ 1854) wrote his commentary after retiring as a Wesleyan circuit preacher at age 74 in London; it was published around 1836.

Thursday, June 26, 2014

Modern Counters to Bruce Malina

As was recently pointed out to me, even the updated version (3rd edition from 2002) of Bruce Malina's work has its issues and counter-arguments. Specifically, U. Bockmuehl of Cambrdige wrote in a review (in 2002):
Nonetheless, after more than two decades of remarkable popularity, the book's re-release does invite a number of critical reflections. First, for a third edition this book remains surprisingly unpolished in some respects. Typos old and new continue; so does a prose style that borders at times on the trite and repetitive -- even when allowing for undergraduate attention spans. There still is no comprehensive bibliography and no index of modern authors, so that specific references remain difficult to find. Although updated, the chapter bibliographies still suggest inadequate interaction with anthropological approaches critical of the author's own. While this may be understandable in a pioneering work that first brought the insights of cultural anthropology to the table of New Testament studies, in a third edition one might like to see a more nuanced picture. A good deal of recent classical scholarship on honour and shame, some of it rather critical of J.G. Peristiany's and J. Pitt-Rivers' old view that these 'pivotal values' governed every social transaction in the 'Mediterranean' world, is simply not cited here (e.g. B. Williams, Shame and Necessity (1993); D.L. Cairns, Aidos (1993); M. Herzfeld and M.A. Marcus in D.D. Gilmmore (ed.), Honor and Shame (1987)). It is instructive to look up the recent edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary under the relevant headings. 
As a result, astounding generalizations proliferate, seemingly unsupported by evidence and reminiscent of grand anthropological theories of a bygone day, when Polynesian cargo cults could be thought to shed the same inexhaustible light on the social realities of Steeple Bumpstead as of ancient Xanadu. We hear about what is characteristically, and it appears timelessly, 'Mediterranean' behaviour. But for every valid or at least plausible insight one stumbles over others burdened with rather too many unmentioned exceptions, be they ancient or modern or both. All the while, the cultural stereotypes merrily accumulate to an extent that would be unthinkable if the object were contemporary 'African' or 'native American' people groups. The Index of Ancient Authors is remarkably underpopulated for a book of such tall claims; and readers who, like the present author, come to the study of the New Testament from that of the classical world may well scratch their heads to find all ancient (and modern?) inhabitants of the Mediterranean basin thrown into the one cultural melting pot, as if Parthians, Carthaginians and Iberians all subscribed to exactly the same social dynamics and assumptions. A reader of Tacitus or Juvenal would find that Romans easily recognized major anthropological differences between themselves, the Greeks and the diverse barbarians and Scythians who inhabited the wider orbit of mare nostrum. What is more, they had a particular revulsion for Oriental cultures and customs -- especially Jewish ones. 
And it is Jews, after all, whose role in the 'New Testament world' arguably matters more than most. Both in their own eyes and in those of their pagan critics, they were culturally unique. Little of that distinctness, however, comes into the fore in this book. Malina refers to ancient Jews and their literature in curiously arm-waving and unspecific terms ('Semites', 'Semitic subculture', 'Ben Zakaiists', 'late Israelites'), citing the Mishnah only twice and the Dead Sea Scrolls not at all, and virtually ignoring the first-century role of the Pharisees, who (rather than the priests) were in Josephus's view the real 'bearers of the Great Tradition'. A good many of Malina's cultural generalizations are plainly untrue for the followers of Jesus and for some or indeed most other religious Jews. For example, individual decision rather than family ties did matter for Jesus and at Qumran; Jews did not believe that 'stars were living beings, intelligent and powerful'; they did not wear tassels on their garments primarily to ward off the evil eye; at least the Dead Sea sect did prohibit marriage with nieces and cousins; 'Ben Zakaiists' (i.e. rabbis) did not develop 'a viable Israelite domestic religion... largely through interaction with post-Jesus groups' (i.e. Christians). And so forth. Exaggerated claims for a homogeneous and apparently timeless Mediterranean culture seriously compromise the anthropological and historical applicability of Malina's model to the highly specific and unusual context of religious first-century Palestinian Judaism. The contention that public honour and status mattered supremely to the elites of places like Corinth or Ephesus is at least plausible. The Palestinian Jewish 'New Testament world', however, was in fact a culture in which many, not least in the Jesus movement, prized humility more highly than secular conventions of honour, and saw social status and influence in a frame of reference that prioritised divine revelation and the judgment of the world to come.
Some of the criticism is not specific to Malina, but to his larger camp of co-researchers, the CONTEXT group that he belongs to. Zeba A. Crook of Carleton University, in her review of TODD D. STILL and DAVID G. HORRELL (eds.), After the First Urban Christians: The Social-Scientific Study of Pauline Christianity Twenty-Five Years Later (London/New York: Clark, 2009), points out that the Horrell especially, in the introductory methodological essay, criticizes Malina's hard distinction: 
Arguing against Bruce Malina’s strongly articulated distinction (The New Testament World: Insights from Cultural Anthropology [Atlanta: John Knox, 1981]), and taking his cue from two recent social-science works—one by a sociologist, Grace Davie (Religion in Modern Europe: A Memory Mutates [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000]), the other [p. 441] by an anthropologist, David E. Sutton (Remembrance of Repasts: An Anthropology of Food and Memory [Oxford: Berg, 2001])—H. claims that the distinction between social description and social-scientific criticism is no longer sustainable and is not actually reflected in current work.
Crook disagrees with the assessment, but agrees that a revamping of Malina using newer literature is in order.

Tuesday, June 24, 2014

Internal Evidence Biblical Criticism

Counter-intuitive as it may seem, the early English Deists, Spinoza, and French criticism of the Bible are most useful for reconstructing the level of Biblical Criticism for the time of Joseph Smith Jr, because they all use internal evidence exclusively.

Once the different codices rise to the level of awareness and people begin to argue in terms of the languages used and in terms of the textual families, the situation becomes for the experts only and cannot be expected to find reflection in the theological discussions of Upstate New York. The professionalization and scientific status of the discipline eliminated the participation of the lay people.

David Friedrich Strauss cites Reimarus about how apologetic all of that Biblical analysis had been in the past (and this tack still covers a good range of what is presently happening, to my own mind, as it captures apologetics, e.g. Terry L. Givens).

Noch andere fangen wohl an, über ihren Glauben nachzudenken, und finden bald hier bald da einen Stein des Anstoßes; "aber ihre Untersuchung ist darum nicht aufrichtig, weil sie dabei nicht gleichgültig sind. Sie wünschen immer, daß ihr Endurtheil so ausfallen möchte, daß sie dasjenige, was sie bisher nach ihrem Katechismus geglaubt haben, wahr und gegründet finden könnten." Dies ist besonders bei den Gelehrten der Fall, …. (Strauss, Reimarus, p.48f)
Others clearly start to ponder their faith, and find one or another issue; "but their investigation is not honest, because they are interested in the outcome. They always wish to achieve a final judgement such that they can discover that which they have so far believed according to their Catechism, as true and founded." This is especially the case with scholars .... 
Apologists are often frustrated by this asymmetry, but it is to be expected; the claims raised by a book purporting to be a revelation are extraordinary, and thus the majority of these claims should be assumed to be false. Thus, the healthy skepticism of the dispassionate is not only the stance to be expected, but in some sense the correct stance. And that stance can not be short-circuited by appealing to the religious intuition (cf. Moroni 10:3-5).

Monday, June 23, 2014

What Strauss thinks Reimarus read of the English Deists

In his description of the inspirations of Hermann Samuel Reimarus, David Friedrich Strauss mentions not only the obvious cases, such as Spinoza's Theological Political Tractatus (esp on prophecy), or Pierre Bayle's Historical Dictionary in the 1st edition, esp. on Abraham (cf. the entries on Sara and Abimelech) and King David, but a whole raft of English Deists---Strauss is clear (p.40) that the Deists were more like popular writers and journalists than scientists---to wit:

The laundry list like enumeration hides some of the dependency in these writings. For example, the 2nd volume of Morgan's Moral Philosopher was a response to John Leland's The Divine Authority of the Old and New Testament Asserted, published in London (2nd ed 1739; 4th enlarged edition of 1739 in 5 vols: volume 1, volume 2, volume 3, volume 4, volume 5), which in turn was a response to Tindal's Christianity as old as the Creation.

This presentation also hides the temporal information, which will require a separate pass to sort out.

Of course Reimarus had read more than that: Charles Blount and Shaftsbury are mentioned as well (p.42f). Blount's supposed commentary on Apollonius of Tyana of 1680 was rapidly suppressed, with the effect that few English copies are now extant. However, the French translation (by Marc Michel Rey & Jean-Louis Castilhon) and re-issue in 1779 in Amsterdam in four volumes (volume 1, volume 2, volume 4) made the notes available more widely.

Sunday, June 8, 2014

Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon

John W. Welch is the premier expert on Chiastic structures in the Book of Mormon. Most likely, he was the first to note Chiastic structures in the Book of Mormon in the late 1960s while studying in Regensburg, Germany; he gives a summary of this experience in the front part of his 2007 FARMS review essay aptly entitled: The Discovery of Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon: 40 years later. The first time he had written about this problem was in an article in 1969, Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon.

The main idea that the 2007 article makes clear is that Welch considers Chiasmus to be a sufficient condition for an antique Jewish writing. This is important in terms of the logical claims that one can make. However, to me the 2007 article suggests that Welch effectively took this upon the authority of Gaertner during their discussions in Regensburg.

After becoming an academic researcher, Welch started to write about Chiasmus repeatedly, for all of antiquity, and in monographic form, so to speak. This website lists and links to most of the articles published in the context of FARMS, but gives only the names of the books. In the process he published an important bibliography of Chiasmus.

Why this mattered to Mormonism comes across not only in the 40 years later article, but is clearly exposed in an essay entitled What Does Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon prove? (1997) where Welch shows Alma 36 as a particularly successful example of Chiastic structure. Here, Welch argues:
If the absence of chiasmus would be inconsistent with its claim of Israelite origins, then the presence of chiasmus in the Book of Mormon is, at least to an equal extent, evidence corroborating that claim.
But this only follows if one already buys into the sufficient condition argument. Most people would rather see it as a necessary condition, which is the weaker interpretation of the first part of the if-clause. Mainly this quote highlights again that to Welch following Gaertner, this was a sufficient criterion.

At the end of the article, Welch cites Thomas F. O'Dea, The Mormons (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 26, as saying that
[The Book of Mormon] has not been universally considered as one of those books that must be read in order to have an opinion on it.
[RCK: Partly this is the books fault, whose repetitive structure and convoluted prose make for an uninspiring and dull read. Who would want to read this book after having read the first few pages?]

Welch tried to drill down on the history of Chiastic knowledge in 1829 in a paper in 2003, which he updated in 2007. However, both of these suffer from issues:
  • The Philadelphia publishing company of Littell ran an ad in the Wayne County Sentinel on April 6th, 1825, on page 3, for subscriptions of Horne's Introduction at $12, $16 at publication price. The ad clearly mentions Hebrew Poetry as well as the previous three editions. 
  • Princeton University had an earlier edition of Horne in their library than the one mentioned in your article, as we now know from the internet archive, albeit the one from 1828, which is of course very very late for influencing Joseph Smith Jr in any way. 
  • Finally, Welch did not discuss Philip Sarchi's 1824 work on Hebrew Poetry in the 2003 paper as a source of Chiastic information, but mentioned him in the context of Horne's bibliography in that paper. 

External Criticism

For counter-arguments to the chiastic theory, see Sandra Tanner's argument and the longer enumeration of problems by Jared and Sandra Tanner here, especially the discussion of Chiastic structures in the Doctrines and Covenants and in the Pearl of Great Price. (Of course, in his 1997 article, Welch explicitly finds the D&C and PoGP examples unconvincing ... without giving much detail on them.)

Also the observation that some of the Chiastic structures in the Book of Mormon are actually due to rewording from the Scriptures, where the original text---often by St Paul---exhibits Chiastic structure, is interesting.

Finally, the Tanners mentioned a book on Hebrew poetry from the 18th century that did not discuss Chiasmus, but the substance of the matter. Thus the hunt for specific Chiastic books may be a red herring.

For more focused criticism of Welch's operation, the paper by Earl M. Wunderli in Dialogue: 38/4 [Winter 2005] pp.97-110 argues that the impressive Chiastic structure of Alma 36 is achieved through a loose application of the rules. The rebuttal by father-son team Boyd and Farrell Edwards (alas without the counter-reply by Wunderli) was published here. The John Kselman review "Ancient Chiasmus Studied" of the book Chiasmus in Antiquity that Welch had edited is truncated on the Dialogue website, having two pages where it should have four.

Sunday, May 4, 2014

Other good online Signature Books

Here are some more that I need to take a look at for my purposes:
Similarly, books that I should eventually read.

More Dan Vogel books online

Based on a review by Roger Launius', I noticed that there are two more books of Dan Vogel at signature books online that I have not yet considered:

Dan is also quoted in Robert Anderson's book Inside the Mind of Joseph Smith:Psychobiography and the Book of Mormon, Salt Lake City (Signature Books), 1999.