The initial claim to fame within the Baptist denomination for Alexander Campbell, founder and principal of the Buffalo Academy, Kentucky, was Alexander Campbell's debate with Rev. Walker of the Seceders, held in Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, in 1820, and subsequently published (p.18). Adamson Bentson, pastor of the Warren, Ohio, Baptist Church, read the debate, and used the opportunity of a trip to Kentucky to swing by Campbell’s residency (p.19) [in the summer of 1821, cf. (Richardson 1870, 2:44) RCK]. With him was Sidney Rigdon, a Baptist preacher and orator of the
Mahoning Association [which Campbell's West Virginia congregation in Wellsburg would joined in 1823, RCK], though second to Bentson in authority with the people. They talked all night with Campbell:
Beginning with the baptism that John preached, we went back to Adam, and forward to the judgement. The dispensations or covenants—Adamic, Abrahamic, Jewish and Christian—passed and reposed before us. Mount Sinai in Arabia, Mount Zion, Mount Calvary, Mount Tabor, the Red Sea and the Jordan, the Passovers and the Pentecosts, the Law and the Gospel—but especially the ancient order of things and the modern—occasionally commanded and engaged our attention.” (p.19)
Hayden notes that the
Mahoning Association was based on the
Philadelphia Confession of Faith (p.20), and that the investigations into the Bible led to many discussions between the ministry and the members.
Hayden wishes not to overplay singular causes (p.20), but stresses the importance of Campbell’s debates (p.21), not only with Walker (
published in 1821), but also with McCalla (published in 1824), praising their “freedom from conventional forms of belief” and their “boldness and clearness of exposition of Scripture” (p.21). Since 1823, the publication
The Christian Baptist had been a key organ in these efforts (p.21).
[The Christian Baptist, RCK] ... went forth monthly to advocate definitely and distinctively the restoration of the apostolic teaching and practice in all things; in faith, conversion, baptism, the office of the Holy Spirit, church order, and, summarily, every thing authorized by Jesus Christ, the Author and Finisher of the Christian religion. (p.21)
In this discourse, Bentley and Rigdon had their part.
Sidney Rigdon added the persuasions of a very commanding and popular eloquence. (p.21)
William Hayden (cf. p.39, probably A.S. Hayden's father) as a young man was swept up in these changes (p.22).
The disallegiance to creeds and confessions, and confidence in the sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures, gained steady advancement. (p.22)
In August 24, 1824, the Baptist church of Nelson abolished unanimously the Philadelphia Confession of Faith and the Church Articles, replacing them with the Word of God "for our Rule || of Faith and Practice" (pp.23f). The fight between the reforming and the pro-"Articles" parties was taken to the 1825 Palmyra meeting of the Mahoning Association (p.24), which Alexander Campbell attended. His contribution is certain in the hedged "Not exactly." response to the question submitted from Randolph, "Can associations in their present modifications find their model in the New Testament." (p.24), interpreted then "as evidence of his prudence in counsel" (p.25).
Hayden points out that the very constitution of the Mahoning Baptist Association (p.26) as a voluntary association of independent churches, who saw their authority coming from Christ, kept it from being a "court of appeal" (p.26). Hayden takes the opportunity to bemoan clerical overreach, mentioning the "tortuous and vindictive policy of the Redstone Association" [which Alexander Campbell had left in the 1820s, RCK], before giving the creed of the Mahoning Association (p.27). The creed starts with a trinitarian assertion based on I John 5,7 (KJV "For there are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost: and these three are one.") and ended in good Reformation style with the Holy Scriptures as the "only certain rule of faith and practice" (p.29). The faith statement was in fact a copy of the one from the Beaver Association.
In spite of this faith statement, the member churches were allowed to author compatible creeds, and the creed mania that resulted Hayden likens to some alchemical chase.
They [i.e. the member churches of the association, RCK] aimed to form a compound of belief so pure, doctrinally, and so translucent, that it should resist the action of the elements and never more be subject to corrosion or decay! (p.29)
Hayden pities the new converts who had to sit through these creeds.
It is cheering to know that ever since the great || Saxon [??? RCK] sounded the note of liberty of conscience, every new body is more and more liberal, approaching gradually to the primitive order of the gospel of Christ. (p.31)
This was how the Wellsburg, Virginia, church was admitted in 1824, whose statement of belief contained "not one hint of the `doctrine of grace` commonly known as Calvinism" (p.31), but was represented by Alexander Campbell, together with John Brown and George Young. Campbell actually was at the Redstone Association that year, though he had written their statement of belief. The statement was rather clear on the closing of the canon, however (p.32).
We believe that the whole Christian Religion is fully and explicitly developed in [i.e. the New Testament], and that nothing is ever to be added thereto, either by any new revelations of the Spirit, or by any doctrines or commandments of men; .... (p.32)
Though the statement characterized the Old Testament as "of divine inspiration and authority" (p.32), it considered it primarily "as containing the Jew's religion as fully as the New contains the Christian['s, RCK]", and gave it a clear second-class status when noting that, though "we avail ourselves of both as containing every thing profitable", "we adhere to the New, as containing the whole Christian religion" (p.32). After a summary of the deeds of Jesus Christ, the creed turned to the views of the "Church of God" (p.33):
... such a society has a right to appoint its own bishops and deacons, and to do all and every thing belonging to a church of Christ, independent of any authority under heaven. (p.33)
Hayden praises this statement not only on its approachable language, but also for expressing just what such a statement needs to express theologically.
In 1826, the Mahoning Association was holding its meeting in Canfield,
Trumbull County (p.34), in the barn of a supportive farmer, "David Hays, who was a pillar in the church", with Bentley moderating, and both Campbells, Walter Scott as well as Sidney Rigdon in attendance (p.34). For Sunday, they had borrowed the Congregational meeting-house in the town center (p.35), and after Walter Scott and Sidney Rigdon had preached in the morning, the expected Alexander Campbell preached in the afternoon. Campbell closed with words that Hayden quotes in full:
The Papacy arose and darkened the heavens for a long period, obscuring the brightness of the risen glory of the Sun of righteousness so that men groped in darkness. By the reformation of the 17th century that dark cloud was broken in fragments; and though the || heavens of gospel light are still obscured by many clouds---the sects of various names---the promise is that 'at evening time it shall be light'. The primitive gospel, in its effulgence and power, is yet to shine out in its original splendor to generate the world. (p.37)
Hayden then resumes discussing the
Christian Baptist, praising its rationality and scriptural foundation (p.37) and its unsparing "denunciations of the clergy, who, ... , had usurped the thrones of the Holy Twelve" (p.38). The continued meetings, both of the association as well as of the ministers, which Bentley had spearheaded (p.38), assisted in the dissemination of this line of thought. Bentley was better educated and read than the average clergyman, connected with ["the celebrated author and preacher, Dr. William",
Wrather 2005, p. 246] Stoughton of Philadelphia (p.38), and thus a champion for steady mutual improvement (p.39).
Hayden uses a description of the first time Campbell attended an association meeting, in 1821, to depict Campbell's stance on Calvinistic double predestination.
The subject of election [i.e. double predestination, RCK], held by all the Baptist ministry, came up .... Mr. Campbell affirmed ``that preaching the doctrine of election never converted a single sinner to God.`` ``Astonishing!`` retorted Elder Freeman, ``Astonishing!`` ``Where are they?`` inquired Mr. Campbell. Mr. Freeman replied, ``all around you!`` ``I very much || doubt it,`` responded Mr Campbell; adding, ``you have preached election, foreordination, effectual calling and perseverance; and along with it you have held up the love of God to lost sinners, the death of Christ for their salvation, his resurrection for their justification, the final judgement and eternal glory; sinners were converted, and you have attributed it to the Calvinistic `doctrines of grace`.`` (pp.39f)
At the same time, Hayden summarizes Campbell's stance on the interpretation of Scripture.
The right interpretation of the Scriptures; that they were to be understood; that the same rules of interpretation were to be applied to them, as to other writings; that no new rules were to be coined for their benefit; that they were not to be applied to the building up of any sect;that the word of God, rightly interpreted and applied, would put an end to religious controversy, and restore the primitive union of the church; .... (p.40)
In his sketch of Alexander Campbell's biography, Hayden gives another summary of Campbell's religious stance, (pp.49f):
Christ, the only Master: involving a rejection of all human names and leaderships in religion. The Bible, the only authoritative book : necessitating a denial of the authority of all human creeds. The Church of Christ; as founded by him, and built by the apostles, for a habitation of the Spirit, the only divine institution for spiritual ends : logically leading to the repudiation of all sects in religion as unscriptural and dishonoring to the head of the church. Faith in Jesus, as the Christ, the Son of God, and repentance toward God, the only scriptural prerequisites to baptism arid consequent church-membership : thus dismissing all doctrinal speculation and all theological dogmata, whether true or false, as unworthy to be urged as tests of fitness for membership in the church of Christ. Obedience to the divine commandments, and not correctness of opinion, the test of Christian standing. The gospel the essential channel of spiritual influence in conversion ; thus ignoring all reliance on abstract and immediate influence of the Holy Spirit, and calling the attention of inquirers away from dreams, visions, arid impressions, which are so liable to deceive, to the living and powerful truths of the gospel, which are reliable, immutable, and eternal. The truth of the gospel, to enlighten ; the love of God in the gospel, to persuade; the ordinances of the gospel, as tests of submission to the divine will : promises of the gospel, as the evidence of pardon and acceptance ; and the Holy Spirit, in and through all these, accomplishing his work of enlightening, convincing of sin, guiding the penitent soul to pardon, and bearing witness to the obedient believer, of his adoption into the family of God. (pp.49f)
He [i.e. Alexander Campbell, RCK] was intensely Protestant .... A Trinitarian in sentiment, he repudiated the unscriptural technicalities of Trinitarian theology, as involving a mischievous strife of words. (p.50)
Campbell abhorred speculative theology, but saw the "divided and distracted state" of "evangelical Protestantism" as an indication of a partial respite (p.50) from the great "apostasy" [i.e. the Roman position, RCK] (p.51) in the Protestants only. Campbell saw parties, leaders, symbols, creeds and speculative doctrines as divisive, and the union of all believers in one body as both a core necessity and the precondition for the conversion of the remainder of the world (p.51).
Chapter 2: Walter Scott
Scott had been recruited from the Academy in Steubenville by Alexander Campbell (p.55) and brought along as an evangelist of the Mahoning Association to its 1827 session in New Lisbon, Columbiana County, on August 23, 1827 (p.55). [[RCK: Palmyra was represented by Noah Davis, William Bacon, and Jesse Hall. (p.56)]] Sidney Rigdon was present and invited to the counsel (pp.56f). Rigdon participated on the committee that nominated an "evangelical preacher" and determine how to fund him (p.57); selecting Walter Scott (p.58) to be funded by "voluntary and liberal contributions" (p.58). Thus the association resumed its God-given task of preaching the Gospel to every creature (p.60).
Hayden emphasizes the non-denominational task of the evangelist Walter Scott, without "doctrinal restrictions or limitations": "No creed basis, no confession of doctrines, no articles of belief: he was simply to ``preach the word.``" (p.61)
Hayden focuses on how unprecedented this approach was in that time and age.
This was a bold and untried step. It was a long step toward Mount Zion. But it was a safe step, as the Scriptures can lead no one astray; and, also, it was the only method of bringing about restoration of the original Christianity in fact, in faith, and in form, in letter, in spirit, and in practice. (p.61)
Scott had come from Scotland to New York, upon the invitation of his uncle, who worked at the New York customs office (pp.61f). He went to Pittsburgh, where he befriended a student of Robert and James Alexander Haldane's Scottish institution, Mr George Forrester, who convinced him of the lack of scriptural basis for pedobaptism (p.62). Scott ran a classical and English high school to finance his scriptural research (p.63) in Pittsburgh, when he met Alexander Campbell. Seeing themselves united in their interest to restore the "unity of the ``faith once delivered to the saints``", they became
... mutual co-operants in the common cause of re-proclaiming to the world the gospel as it began in Jerusalem on the first Pentecost after the Lord's ascension. (p.63)
Scott helped choose the
Christian Baptist as the name for Campbell's journal (p.63), to which the Campbells and Scott contributed (p.64). While in Pittsburgh, Scott met Sidney Rigdon and their congregations merged (p.64).
By 1827, Scott was at the Steubenville academy, much interested in the Millenium and about to begin the publication of the
Millennial Herald, for which a prospectus had been issues (p.64). In his preaching, Scott assumed a stance that through its "plea for the union of Christians on apostolic ground" (p.66) rejected "[c]reeds, confessions of faith as terms of membership and communion, articles of church government separate from the New Testament, and distinctive of the sect" (p.66). Furthermore, Scott (p.67) insisted on the understanding reception of the word of God, received through the preaching of the Gospel, which eliminates any chances of infant church-membership (and its hanger-ons, such as confirmation or sponsorship) (p.67). And the certainty of salvation came with baptism (p.68).
... no one had a right to expect the Holy Spirit till after baptism. (p.70)
Thus Scott designed a multi-phased protocol, a "classification" for describing the conversion process of the sinner, to wit:
(1) Faith; (2) Repentance; (3) Baptism; (4) Remission of sins; (5) the Holy Spirit; (6) Eternal life, through a patient continuance in well doing. (p.71)
Chapter 4: The Church in Warren (pp.91ff)
The Church in Warren, Ohio, had received Adamson Bentley as their minister in May of 1810 (p.91). in 1815 (p.91), Thomas Rigdon (p.92), cousin to Sidney Rigdon was received into the Youngtown Church, which had sprung from the Warren congregation. December of 1819, the Warren church spun out the Bazetta congregation, into which Sidney Rigdon was received in March of 1820 and licensed for preaching on April 1, 1820 (p.92).
He [i.e. Sidney Rigdon, RCK] married Miss Phebe Brooks, and after two years moved to Pittsburgh. (p.92)
Chapter 5: The Church in Windham (pp.116ff)
Sidney Rigdon and Adamson Bentley were on the committee for the church in Newton that gave license for preaching to Marcus Bosworth in October 1827 (p.137).
Chapter 6:
Hayden has Ebenezer Williams relate his story in Shalersville in his own words (p.155). He was employed at 25% time, at one hundred dollars [a year, cf. p.157, RCK], as a Universalist preacher (p.155). Coming from Ravenna one day in the May of 1828, Williams (p.156) found that Father Campbell and Sidney Rigdon had been holding a meeting there for several days. Williams was asked to preach Acts 2:38, like the Baptists had done [where the Holy Ghost is promised after baptism, as a consequence for the remission of sins, RCK]. Williams answered with Acts 10 [vv44f, where the house of Cornelius receives the Holy Spirit before their baptism, vv47f, RCK]. Afterwards, Williams was unhappy with himself, thinking also of the Disciples of Emmaus (
Lk 24:46f) story [connection unclear to me, RCK]. Williams continued his farm work [no surprise, with that salary, RCK], mulling these matters over, when he received the visit of brother Raines one day while plowing (p.156), who had heard preaching of Walter Scott and was beginning to doubt. While discussing the matter, Raines and Williams (p.157) convinced each other of the need for immersion and baptized each other in Sandy Lake. Williams was expelled from his congregation for this act:
[Williams explained, RCK] "Some [of the Universalists, RCK] were angry; many said they would not pay their subscription for such preaching. I told them I did not expect it---the Lord would take care of me. Thus I have turned my back on the four hundred a year. I have never since received over half that amount, but having obtained help of God, I continue until this day." (p.157)
Chapter 7: Association in Warren, 1828
Hayden personally attended the association meeting in Warren in 1828 (p.161), and praises its non-denominational, creed-ignoring spirit.
This great occasion was a grand demonstration of the possibility of the union of Christians on original Bible ground. It was no longer a theory. It was then an actual, accomplished fact. (p.162)
Here were Methodists, no longer Methodists, but still Christians; Baptists surrendering the title, yet holding the Head, even Christ; Restorationists, giving up their fruitless and faulty speculations, now obedient to the faith once delivered to the saints; Bible Christians, recovered from their negative gospel to the apostle's method of preaching, together with very || many from other forms of religious belief---all rejoicing together, ``perfectly united in the same mind and the same judgement.`` (pp.162f)
The seniors were the usual suspects: two Campbells, Bentley, Rigdon, Scott (p.163). In order to cement that union, Alexander Campbell preached on Rom 14,1 (p.163), showing that the faith of all Christians, based on the same fact as testified to by the Apostles, is a unit (p.165) and can thus not divide the believers. Opinion however was "a fruitful source of all the schism".
When the association was listening to the report of their evangelist Walter Scott, they started to debate about whether he should restrict himself to associational limits (p.174), but Rigdon grew tired of the debate, pointing out that an old Jerusalem preacher would have converted half the world in the time it took to discuss the issue (p.174) and forced a vote to let Scott take William Hayden and convert the world.
A.S. Hayden then give the biography (pp.176ff) of William Hayden, his brother (p.179), noting especially the amazing geographical range of his trips, including:
... most of the Western counties in the Empire State, and in Canada, ... in western Pennsylvania, Virginia, and in all the region of North-east Ohio, ... into Michigan and Wisconsin; .... (p.181)
Hayden reports that this traveler for the gospel clocked up ninety thousand miles, of which sixty thousand on horseback, i.e. about twice around the world (p.181), preaching nine thousand sermons, or 261 discourses per year in his 35 years of service.
Hayden then looks to the expectation of the Millennium (p.183).
The ardor of religious awakening resulting from the new discoveries in the gospel was very much increased about the year 1830, by the hope that the millennium had now dawned, and that the long expected day of gospel glory would very soon be ushered in. The restoration of the ancient gospel was looked up as the initiatory movement, which, it was thought, would spread so rapidly that existing denominations would almost immediately be deorganized; .... (p.183)
Scott, who always had an interest in the millennium, proved contagious for Sidney Rigdon (p.186).
Rigdon, who always caught and proclaimed the last word that fell from the lips of Scott or Campbell, seized these views, and with the wildness of his extravagant nature, heralded them every-where. (p.186)
In spite of the title of his newest periodical,
The Millennial Harbinger, A.S. Hayden doubts that Alexander Campbell was a millennialist (p.188). Rather under the pseudonym
Reformed Clergyman, Campbell wrote against millennialism in his periodical, even though he permitted pro-millenial pieces to be published (pp.188f).
In the end, Hayden blames the mess on people not using Christ as the only "interpreter of type, shadows, and prophecy in the Old Testament" (p.190).
Chapter 8: The Church in Mentor (pp.191-208)
Sidney Rigdon moved from Bainbridge to Mentor in the aftermath for delivering the funerary oration for the old pastor in the summer of 1826 (p.191). As a considerable orator, he was nevertheless unstable and insufficiently lasting with his impression (p.192).
Sidney's brother-in-law was Adamson Bentley (p.192) and he accompanied Rigdon to Mentor.
After great missionary success in Mentor (p.193), Rigdon and Bentley went on to Kirtland (p.194). The success here equalled the one in Mentor, and when Bentley went to Painesville, his fame preceded him (p.194). The Mentor church is considered strong by Hayden, and withstood the "tempest under the outbreak of Mormonism" (p.195), while the church under Rigdon in Kirtland "became engulphed" (p.195) (cf. also p.207).
Rigdon and Campbell had their Austintown showdown two-and-a-half months before Rigdon converted, and the meeting had left Rigdon "mortified, chagrined and alienated" when his common property scheme had been publicly rejected (p.209). Hayden even speculates that the four Lamanite emissaries "had Rigdon in their eye before leaving Palmyra, N.Y." (p.209). Rigdon had been expecting "some great event soon to be revealed to the surprise and astonishment of mankind" (p.209).
The targeted attack vector for Rigdon was Parley P. Pratt, "a disciple under Rigdon's influence", who had visited Palmyra in the fall of 1830 to see the Mormon prophet (p.210); cf. (Howe 1834, p.102). By middle of November two bags full of Book of Mormon copies were brought into Mentor and Rigdon talked most of the night with the deliverers (p.210), before discussing this apparent "open[ing] of the way for the introduction of the Millennium" with stalwarts of the congregation, such as Judge Clapp (p.210).
Hayden assumes that Parley P. Pratt and Oliver Cowdery were the two men who had brought Book of Mormon copies to Mentor (p.211). Hayden notes that the two men stayed with Rigdon for a week. At Kirtland, the plans for community principles that Rigdon espoused had led to Isaac Morley opening his farm to seventeen members, who were the primary target for the preaching of this new dispensation. (Howe 1834, p.102) calls it a "common stock society".
The new doctrines of having "all things in common" and of restoring miracles to the world a s fruit and proof of true faith, found a ready welcome by this incipient "community." (p.211)
Hayden is unsure whether Rigdon at that point had already been swayed or was merely going through the motions now, though the phrase is Howe's (Howe 1834, p.102):
At this, Rigdon seemed much displeased. (p.211)
The disagreement between the Mormon missionaries and Rigdon devolved to the problem of whether it was appropriate to pray for a sign or not (p.212), upon which the validity of this new faith rested. Rigdon's argument, that the devil could transform into an angel, was countered by Cowdery's insistence that this was not possible, if one had asked the Heavenly Father in the name of Jesus Christ. Hayden shares the reply that Rigdon then gave (according to Eber D. Howe, and upbraids him for not sticking with his guns.
"If the Heavenly Father has ever promised to show you an angel to confirm any thing, he would not suffer you to be deceived; for John says: 'If we ask any thing according to his will, he heareth us.' But," he continued, "if you should ask the Heavenly Father to show you an angel, when he has never promised such a thing---if the devil never had an opportunity before of deceiving you, you give him one now." (p.212) [= (Howe 1834, p.104), RCK]
And Hayden continues.
This was a word in season, fitly spoken; yet, strange enough! "two days afterward he was persuaded to tempt God by asking this sign. The sign appeared, and he was convinced that Mormonism was of God! ...." (p.212) [the quote is from (Howe 1834, p.104), RCK]
Hayden relates that Rigdon, "the faithless watchman, covered with the shame of his fall," let Cowdery and Pratt preach next Sunday, and afterwards being baptized into the new faith (p.213). Three weeks later he traveled to Palmyra, where Joseph Smith "had a revelation all ready for him, just suited to his own purpose and Rigdon's vanity" (p.214). And Hayden returns to Howe to see the economic incentives for the Smith family.
Thus, from almost a state of beggary, the family of Smiths were immediately well furnished with the 'fat of the land' by their fanatical followers, many of whom were wealthy. (p.214) [= (Howe 1834, p.112), RCK]
Hayden insists that only those with supernatural pretensions were duped (p.215) and that---excepting Rigdon and Pratt and Orson Hyde, the latter glossed as "two young but little known ... preachers"---the work of the Disciples stood firm (p.215). Hayden describes it almost battle-like, giving names and locations that were thus inaccessible to the Mormon incursion: Judge Clapp's family prevented inroads in Mentor; Collins held Chardon---cf (pp.223ff).
Hayden then argues the theological point that the rational reconstruction of Alexander Campbell, which had based faith on testimony (p.216), short-circuited the claim to pray for faith, which all the other pulpits seemed to preach at that time (p.216).
They [i.e. the Disciples of Christ, RCK] never "pray for faith," since "faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the word of God." having obtained faith by the appropriate testimony, they pray, in the exercise of that faith, for all the rightful objects of petition. (p.216)
The inoculation played out as a rejoinder of advice.
No marvel, then, that when the Mormon preacher approached a disciple with the proposition to pray for a sign, or evidence of the truth of his system, he was met with an intelligent refusal so to "tempt the Lord his God." (p.216)
[[One might have suspected that the closedness of the canon that Campbell espoused would have prevented any reasons to pray for the faith in the first place; see also T. Campbell's letter (p.218). RCK]]
[[That this faith from testimony setup is part of the basic stance of Alexander Campbell is illustrated by his use of the argument in the debate with Owen. Cf.
Debate on Evidences of Christianity, Bethany, Virginia (Alexander Campbell) 1829, Vol I, p.147.]]
Nevertheless, Thomas Campbell swooped in (p.216) and wintered in Mentor to stabilize the situation (p.217). When Rigdon challenged the world to disprove the new Bible, Campbell on February 4th, 1831, took him up on the challenge (p.217) [= (Howe 1834, pp.116-123), a longer version, RCK]. Campbell's basic argument was, as one might have expected,
... the all-sufficiency and the alone-sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, vulgarly called the Bible, to make every intelligent believer wise to salvation, thoroughly furnished for any good work. (p.218)
Given that launching point, all sects, per the usual Campbell program, were superfluous.
... we have no more need for Quakerism, Shakerism, Wilkinsonianism, Buchanism, Mormonism, or any other ism, that we have for three eyes .... (p.218)
Because the Gospel was exhaustive with respect to possible human privileges, to the permission or forbidding of human behaviors, and to the motives for encouraging obedience and discouraging disobedience, "every thing is proved that can effect our happiness here or hereafter." (p.219)
Campbell then outlined his challenges, including testing the "gifts of tongues" with three or four foreign languages; challenging the notion of "common property" as anti-scriptural [which was too early, as Smith Jr had not begun the description of consecration, which dated from February 9th, 1831, RCK]; that the loss of authority for administering baptism for fourteen hundred years contradicted
Mt 16:18 (Peter as the Rock of the Church); grouping Mormonism in terms of its "pretentious visions, humility and spiritual perfection" with "the first Shakers, Jemima Wilkinson, the French Prophets, etc"; equally rejecting the need for rebaptism or the possibility of the prerogative of the primary apostles on conveying the Holy Spirit by laying on of hands (p.219).
Thomas Campbell then pronounced one of the famous, often cited damnations of the Book of Mormon.
In the last place we shall examine the internal evidence of the book of Mormon itself, pointing out its evident contradictions, foolish absurdities, shameless pretensions to antiquity, restore it to its rightful claimant as a production beneath contempt, and utterly unworthy the reception of a school boy. (p.219)
Hayden then turns to the problem of Hiram (p.220), a region where Sidney Rigdon was very popular, and where Symonds Ryder lived, who communicated with A.S. Hayden on the events (albeit in hindsight, February 1868). Ryder describes how after initial success, the Mormons in Hiram only fell out of favor after reports surfaced that the Mormons were trying to swindle everyone out of their property (p.221), prompting the nightly attack on Joseph Smith Jr and Rigdon (cf. Bushman,
Rough Stone Rolling, 2005, for a similar argument) in March of 1832.
[Symonds Ryder wrote: RCK] All who continued with the Mormons, and had any property, lost all; among whom was John Johnson, one of our most worthy men; also, Esq. Snow, of Mantua, who lost two or three thousand dollars. (p.221)
Hayden closes the chapter (p.222) with pointing to the work of Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley,
A Journey to Great Salt Lake city, London 1861,
volume 1 and
volume 2, which gives more analysis of the Mormons, especially their existence in Utah.
[[The recommendation is good; for example, in Vol 2, Remy and Brenchley point out (v.2, p.7f) that Mormonism sees itself as equally creed-surpassing and universal as the Campbellite attempt. RCK]]
